"A Holocaust": Reagan, Beirut, and Likud Israel

Early June, Israel commenced bombings of Beirut (NYT 1). On Sunday June 13th, Israeli surrounded West Beirut, the PLO stronghold (NPR); that same day, Israel announced a ceasefire, although asserting that if Palestinians "continued military action", they 'would retaliate "with all our might"' (NYT 1) - a statement indicating they had no intent to actually stop fighting (NYT 2). The US was exerting pressure on Israel to end the fighting, arguing they achieved their 40km goal, and citing the needlessly heavy civilian toll - by June 13th, the State Department conservatively estimated 10000 killed or injured. Israel said the PLO was to blame, for firing on Israeli positions (NYT 2). When asked if the ceasefire was a result of American pressure, Defense Minister Ariel Sharon said:

"There are no American pressures and there were no American pressures because the Americans have sufficient experience, and they know that they will not achieve anything by pressure."

Meanwhile, the Red Cross reported at least 1000 killed in Sidon, south of Beirut - which Israel said was exagerrated; at the same time, they said their mission was to "purify" (NYT 1).

In reality, it was the beginning of siege (NPR).

June 14th. Israeli tanks completely cut off West Beirut (NYT 3), and announced their mission was to smash the PLO organization there, accusing the PLO of breaking the Sunday ceasefire on Sunday, yet told the US special envoy Philip Habib they were willing to cease firing again. Yet one Israeli official said they were doing what is natural: "so close to contact with the terrorist center there, we are doing what is natural at this point: We are hitting at the nerve center of thousands of terrorists." General Eytan said that Palestinians had been "on their knees begging for a cease-fire, but they cannot control themselves, and they shoot." He further said that what would happen to the Palestinians in West Beirut was a "problem for the Lebanese" (NYT 4). On the warpath up to Beirut, despite white flags, shrapnel and bombings had ripped apart and collapsed buildings - in Tyre, "not a single building was untouched"; the military governor of Tyre, Maj. Joseph Dana (otherwise a university lecturer in Arabic) said 30%% of buildings were destroyed. With infrastructure broken, civilians entirely depended on the Israeli army for food and water. In a Rec Crescent hospital, manned by Palestinian and European doctors, only one doctor - Belgian Dr. Francis Capet - remained to attend to the war victims; the rest - including a Norwegian and a Canadian - had been arrested by the Israeli army. Military governor Maj. Arnon Mozer (in civilian life: runs a construction company) justified this by saying "all the doctors are PLO. It’s obvious it’s not a good hospital." (NYT 5).

Asked how he knew the doctors were members of the P.L.O., he said their names were found on lists in the town's P.L.O. headquarters. They would all be taken to Israel for interrogation and possible imprisonment, he said. (NYT 5)

Maj. Mozer said patients were being transferred from the Red Crescent hospital to "a good private hospital, the Labib Medical Center." The hospital was reported by NYT as good and clean - and also that the director would only take "good cases", rejecting, for examle, a woman with "gangrene all over her body" (NYT 5).

June 15th. The US government was alarmed by the condition in Lebanon, citing Israel’s prior assurances they didn’t intend to take Beirut, and was reassuring the US 'no such move was underway'. The Administration, along with Republican Illinois Senator Charles H. Percy - chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee - held up the proposed sale of 75 F-16s to Israel (although mostly symbolic, as they would arrive in 1985), saying such would be "extraordinarily incorrect" in the context. At the same time, the White House signalled doubt over its planned meeting with Begin. Israeli supporters on Capitol Hill expressed anger over these developments, although Congress was yet quite mute over the situation (NYT 6). Despite indicated doubts, Begin flew off to the US that day for his planned weeklong visit - with Israel’s [new] policy in Lebanon being to set up a 'stable, Christian-led government ... that would be willing to sign a peace treaty with Israel' (Israel had been giving support to the Christian Phalangist militia), along with the withdrawl of the Syrian army (NYT 7) - a substantial extension of their initial goal: a demilitarized zone within 40km of the border. Meanwhile, Begin defended 'the care ... the army took to avoid hurting civilians', citing his commanders, allegedly, arguing against bombing Sidon (notably, not Beirut) (NYT 7).

June 16th. From New York, Begin told his Cabinet to ignore any 'threats' from the US in carrying out the war (NYT 8) - this, note, was openly reported in the NYT that day! At the same time, Israel repported 70k had become refugees due to the fighting; Sharon said it had not been the intent to 'change the Lebanese government', but now "we have an opening for a new political situation". Further, Sharon said that 'terrorists in Sidon' had been using civilians as human shields (as we would say today), and even 'shot children in front of their parents to prevent the Israelis from attacking' - although it’s unclear to me what the logic even is here, and NYT reports that he didn’t specify either, and this was the first such report since the invasion 10 days prior (NYT 8). In Sidon - remember, where Begin said his generals said they would use caution to avoid civilian casualties - hundreds of Palestinians were found dead, for example in a school shelter (NYT 9).

June 21nd. Israeli warships and armor bombarded both Palestinian camps and civilian neighborhoods in west Beirut - 'the worst day of fighting since a cease-fire was declared eight days ago'. The Soviet embassy was hit, but not the US; Israeli shells hit the Palestians’ hospital, as well as the Commodore Hotel, 'where most of the international press is based' (NYT 10).

June 22nd. For the first time in nine days, Israeli jets - along with artillery - pounded Palestinian camps and residential neighborhoods in West Beirut. Special US envoy Philip Habib reported Israel agreed to a 6PM ceasefire, although shelling could still be heard in Palestinian neighborhoods throughout the night (NYT 14). In Tel Aviv, Israel suspended ABC satellite transmissions for sending an interview with PLO leader Yasir Arafat, defying Israel imilitary censorship (NYT 11). Meanwhile, the Red Cross reported upwards of 1,500 were killed in Sidon - remember, where the generals were 'protecting' civilians? Contrary to Israeli reports that 70k were homeless in southern Lebanon, they reported 600k. Israel balked at this, saying only 400 were killed in Sidon, calling the Red Cross figures a '"deliberate and malicious" casualty count to discredit Israel'; a Lebanese paramilitary officer estimated 1000 dead in Sidon (NYT 12). Additionally, Israel made conflicting statements regarding West Beirut - on the one hand, not to enter; on the other, to "uproot" the "terrorists" (NYT 13).

June 23rd. Begin reportedly saw Haig as his main exponent in Washington, as Reagan cabinet members and Senators began to turn on him (NYT 15).

Reporting on his meetings with the members of Congress, Mr. Begin said one of the senators had threatened to cut off aid if Israel continued creating settlements in the West Bank. The senator is reported to have been Joseph R. Biden Jr., Democrat of Delaware.

Mr. Begin cited the incident to give voice to a feeling that is held in his entourage - that Israel has rendered military service to the United States in battle-testing American arms.

"Sir, do not threaten us with cutting aid," Mr. Begin said, in recounting his reply. "First of all, you should know that this is not a one-way street. You help us, and we are very grateful for your help, but this is a two-way street. We do a lot for you."

June 24th. Amidst continued bombardment, Israel was weighing if, contrary to its prior position, if it would invade West Beirut (NYT 17).

June 25th. Bombing continued - even hitting a hotel full of Western diplomats and journalists, killing at least 20 (NYT 16).

June 30th. Israel alleged that UNRWA schools were used to store Palestinian arms, and that UN forces were cooperating with the PLO (ie warning them of Israeli attacks); the UN said this was "bogus", an effort to blacken the 'name of the United Nations', as Israel wanted US, not UN, forces to occupy a 40km buffer zone (NYT 19).

July 4th. For the second day in a row, Israeli troops intercepted supplies to West Beirut and its 500k civilian population. Israel rejected a PLO offer to transfer its headquarters, and some fighters out of Lebanon (leaving behind a token presence), conditional on an Israeli pullback from Beirut, replaced by an international peacekeeping force. 'People such as doctors or Lebanese policemen who had to get into west Beirut and had the patience to argue with the Israeli soldiers and Christian Phalangist militiamen manning the roadblocks were allowed to pass, but not until every drop of water or morsel of food was removed from their cars.' (NYT 22). The UN security council (including the US) passed a resolution urging Israel to allow vital supplies (ie water, food, medicine) to enter West Beirut, and appealed to Israel to "respect the rights of civilian populations" (NYT 20). Meanwhile, bombardment of West Beirut continued: '"It's part of the position of the warnings," an Israeli officer said, following with an expert eye the trajectories and the explosions. "If a city is supposed to be under siege and nothing happens, they will start doing their laundry and making coffee."' (NYT 21)

July 5th. Bombardment and total blockade continue, with the aim of forcing the PLO to uncoditionally leave Lebanon. The US argued allowing food and water through was essential, while Israeli officials said they were fixing electricity and water supply systems. As to the bombardment, 'each side accused the other of starting the artillery duel, but there was clearly much more fire coming into the city than going out. Besides the Palestinian neighborhoods on the southern outskirts of west Beirut, shells also landed in the non-Palestinian neighborhoods of Verdon and Corniche Mazraa.' Hospitals were reporting oxygen shortages (NYT 23). Meanwhile, the Reagan administration pressured Israel to abide by the UN security council resolution, and noted that their negotiations had brought about a ceasfire, going into effect 10AM EST (5pm Beirut), which reportedly seemed to be holding (NYT 24).

July 6th. NYT reports that most of West Beirut water comes from the Christian eastern side of Beirut, where Israelis were based, and the city was running dry. West Beirut people said Israel had turned off their taps. Reporters who visited the East Beirut water plant were told by the watchman that the Israeli military ordered supplies to west Beirut cut. An IDF spokesman declined to 'confirm or deny'. UNICEF was working to set up generators to pump water in West Beirut - although saline and unpleasant, it was reportedly bearable. Yet even these sites were being pumped dry. The local UNICEF engineer was trying to arrange for parts for these pumps to be brought in from East Beirut (NYT 25).

July 7th. Water and electricity were turned back on by Israelis (although otherwise the blockade continued). The US 6th fleet was sent in with troops to protect the PLO, for its eventual withdrawl, although Arafat ruled out such an escort. Beginning late Tuesday (July 6th), Israeli ships and artillery bombarded west Beirut (NYT 26); hit in this bombardment was the Soviet embassy, with shells, rockets, and cluster bombs, according the embassy’s Second Secretary Nikolai Perfidov (NYT 28). NYT reported that privately, Arafat was warm to the US escort plan. '[US Defense Secretary] Mr. Weinberger acknowledged to reporters that there was a risk that American troops could be fired upon, but he asserted that American inaction would be a worse alternative. "The United States does not want to be the cause of the thing not working out," he said at a breakfast session with the reporters. "It would be disastrous if the war runs through Beirut."' Meanwhile, Weinberger said Israel’s invasion did not serve US interests in the Middle East. "It's caused problems. It's caused civilian deaths, homelessness. There's an example and a precedent problem. Personally, I would hope we would not have further resorts to force." (NYT 27)

July 8th. With some dissent, the World Jewish Congress said that mutual Israeli-Palestinian recognition was necessary, citing international condemnation of the invasion, the history of Jewish experience as 'homeless', and how the invasion had divided Jewish opinion. '"Out of this war," he [president Edgar Bronfman] continued, "Israel must finally face the Palestinian problem. It has broken the military back of the P.L.O. It must, in military victory, above all else, now change its policies on the West Bank and in the Gaza. It must look for new openings to make peace with the Arabs rather than war on them. Jews, of all people, can understand the longing and need of the homeless for a place to live their lives in dignity."' (NYT 29)

July 10th. Lebanese police report 50 killed in artillery and rocket exchanges between Israelis and Palestinians. Some food was reported smuggled in to west Beirut. There was also considerable controversy reported on the casualties since the invasion began. (NYT 29-2). Anticipating a PLO defeat in west Beirut, Israel moved in to West Bank, driving out pro-PLO politicians (NYT 29-3).

July 13th. 'The chaos of the warfare, the destruction of city neighborhoods and refugee camps, the haste with which bodies were buried in mass graves and the absence of impartial agencies gathering statistics have made a reliable accounting impossible.' The NYT reports that 10k dead in southern Lebanon (as reported by the Red Cross) is too a high a figure, while the Israeli figures were too low, not helped by their keeping reporters out of areas of heavy fighting. 'The Israelis stressed that they dropped leaflets and broadcast warnings to the civilian populations of Tyre and Sidon to get out before the attack, and that many did, assembling on the beaches during most of the fighting.' (NYT 30). Meanwhile, a two-day truce was still holding amidst unproductive negotiations - yet at the same time, Israel tightened its 'grip' on West Beirut. Progress was paused on Monday (July 12th), in wait of the outcome of the foreign ministers of Syria and Saudi Arabia in the US, scheduled for Wednesday (the 14th), but a date had yet to be set. The withdrawl negotiations were complicated by the difficulty of finding a host nation willing to take the PLO, while the PLO lamented Israel’s refusal to consider any of its offers. At the same time, Sharon was making bellicose remarks should negotiations break down (NYT 31).

July 15th. Despite claims by Israel and other Jewish groups that 'virtually all American Jews supported Israel’s invasion of Lebanon' (even in Israel, dissent was growing), NYT reporting found this not quite the case. 'Supporters of Israel who were interviewed about their views said they believed that critics of Israel in the United States had become more vociferous, but not more numerous. Critics of Israel's course generally said they had opposed the Begin Government long before the invasion, but said they believed the uncommitted were being pushed toward dissent by events.' Some were even calling for recognition of Palestinian nationhood, arguing there was something of a 'silent plurality' in support of this, citing that this was Israel’s first "optional" war, with high civilian casualties to boot. Norman Podhoretz, editor of Commentary, argued these were just people - and only about 10-15% of American Jews - who were 'unsympathetic or indifferent to Israel. Those people tend to surface on certain occasions. ... They say it takes courage, but if anything it takes courage to support Israel in certain circles. They're conforming in those circles, in my opinion." No major Jewish American organizations had come out against the invasion, and contributions to groups raising money for Israel said contributions were exceeding projections. Some argued that any wavering from support would "give the PLO incentive to hold on. It’s a dangerous situation"; dissenters said this was ridiculous, as the PLO had been "completely humiliated". Rabbi Glaser called dissenters "self-hating Jews", and said anti-Semitism was a motivating factor in 'the negative reaction of non-Jewish religious groups to the invasion'. "I just can't explain it any other way, not the fact that there's opposition but the vehemence of it and their persistence in hanging on to statements that have been shown to be false." (NYT 32)

Meanwhile, Reagan planned to inform Congress that his Administratoin determined Israel 'might have' violated its arms agreements with the US - this one the 1952 military assistance agreement, yet two State Department officials reportedly said 'there was no inclination to halt military shipments to Israel.' In question here were the use of cluster bombs, which Israel had acknowledged it used in Lebanon. 'With negotiations in Lebanon at a particularly sensitive stage, it would not serve the interests of peace for the United States to impose severe penalties on Israel at this time. Such a move might encourage Palestine Liberation Organization forces not to evacuate west Beirut, they [State Department officials Wat Cluverius and James Michel to a Congress House committee] reportedly said.' (NYT 33)

In Southern Lebanon, Palestinian refugees again faced a desperate situation. 'The Israeli Army made the problem worse by deliberately creating additional refugees after the end of the fighting. Demolition squads blew up shelters in the camps, destroying houses as well, and bulldozers knocked down rows of homes that had survived the battles. Israeli officials have contended that the Palestinian guerrillas regularly use civilian neighborhoods as bases for military activities. The Israeli Army has made extraordinary efforts to keep the destruction out of public view by refusing to take visitors to the camps and trying to keep journalists out.' Reportedly then, few in Israel were aware of the situation. And while the Israeli army reportdly worked to restore facilities to Lebanese towns, no such effort was made to restore Palestinian camp facilities. Women and children tell stories of their husbands and sons abducted, allegedly for being 'guerrilla suspects'. Disease was feared, as there were some polio outbreaks and children suffered from diarrhea. With most men arrested, the earning power of families was 'obliterated', making the food problem even worse. (NYT 38)

July 16th. While worried about increasing negative opinion internationally, Israel stated it was not worried about 'the enhanced international political stature that the PLO may gain from the long siege of west Beirut' (NYT 34):

Officials who said they were reflecting the views of Prime Minister Menachem Begin asserted that the besieged Palestinians owed their survival in west Beirut and negotiating strength not to their combat prowess but to the moral precepts shared by Israel and its principal source of support, the United States.

"Israel, out of respect for human life, for a city, for an Arab capital, out of every humanitarian reason, has decided to get the P.L.O. out by diplomatic means," the Israeli diplomat said.

He said the Israelis "decided to give the United States a chance to prove it was right when it told us three weeks ago that instead of our entering and chasing them they could achieve the job through diplomatic means, without bloodshed."

"As a democratic nation, as believers in Western values, how can we not take such a risk?" he said. "How can we say no to the United States?"

Meanwhile, the Defense Department held up a shipment of 4000 cluster-bomb shells to Israel, pressing Begin for a report on their usage in Lebanon, although a White House press spokesman said Reagan had not yet made the decision. Despite some Israeli officials denying, US government sources said the CIA did find Israel using cluster bombs in populated areas. Some leading Congress members were disappointed the Reagan Administration had not taken a tougher stand on the issue. US officials said Israeli military officers said they were used, but they inteded to reduce civilian casualties, but military targets had been put in populated areas (NYT 35)

July 17th. In counter to a "Peace Now" protest in Tel Aviv, attended by tens of thousands, two weeks prior, a rally in support of Begin’s conduct in Lebanon was held, reportedly with 250k. Begin himself made a speech to the rally, defying a negotiation timetable suggested by incoming US Secretary of State George Shultz. ' While waiting for Mr. Begin and his party to arrive, Mayor Lahat read a message from Mayor Koch of New York in which Mr. Koch said: "What Israel is doing now is what the rest of the world should have been doing long ago. I've been standing fearlessly and faithfully for democracy in a part of the world where democracies are too few."' Ariel Sharon also made a speech. (NYT 36). In West Beirut, some food managed to get smuggled in - mainly via exorbitant bribes to the Phalangists, the Christian militia aligned with Israel, and manning some checkpoints in. But there was still so little food, that the prices were exorbitant in the besieged city. In Lebanon as a whole, the wartime devastation caused mass unemployment, threatening a nutrition crisis if not ameliorated (NYT 37).

July 18th. Israel officially acknowledges to the US its use of cluster bombs in its invasion, although asserting the usage were in strict accordance with 1976 US-Israeli agreements (although not yet made public, reportedly that they be used against organized Arab armies and only directed against 'clearly defined military targets'); Administration officials suggested the possbility of delaying further 4000 cluster munitions for Israel’s 155-mm howitzers. While Israel didn’t specify how they were delivered, most reports described them being dropped from airplanes. While arguing they were used against legitimate military targets, Israel said these targets were civilian areas, so their bombing of civilians was unintentional. Senator Henry Jackson, Washington Democrat and 'long-time supporter of Israel', acknowledged this was a violation. '"If we're going to be allies, we have to consult," he said. If such behavior continues, Israel will lose its support in this country, he said.' (NYT 18)

July 20th. Support for Israel in Congress at an "all time low"; some say that Israel’s military edge in the region is so high, there should be reconsideration about arming them in the future. Others point out with what’s going on in Lebanon, it’s hard to be concerned about human rights abuses in the USSR. Joe Biden is cited as staunchly pro-Israel Senator, concerned that the invasion will erode support for previously unassailable high levels of economic and military aid (NYT 39).

July 22nd. Alleging that Palestinians violated the ceasefire, Israel bombed West Beirut. Begin alleged that the PLO was deceitfully using Habib’s negotiations as cover to not leave (NYT 40).

July 23rd. Responding to Palestinian guerrilla raids in southern Lebanon, Israel bombed west Beirut again (NYT 41).

July 24th. In a third straight day, Israeli planes, artillery, and warplanes bombed west Beirut (NYT 42).

July 25th. The PLO launched another guerrilla operation in southern Lebanon, and Israel again bombarded west Beirut. On the night of July 24th (Saturday), Israel cut off electricity to west Beirut (NYT 43).

July 26th. 'An Israeli brigade commander who asked to be relieved of his command in Lebanon because he opposed an attack on west Beirut was identified today by Israeli military correspondents as Col. Eli Geva.' He supported the initial aim of pushing 40km north, but opposed advancing on Beirut, on account of civilian casualties and Israeli losses (NYT 44). More bombing on west Beirut hit civilian areas, and exploded a large ammunition storage (NYT 45).

July 27th. In the deadliest strike yet, with 120 killed, Israel bombed a civilian area, an area which - due to the architecture - it was highly unlikely much of any PLO weapons were located. Further barrages and artillery exchanges happened later (NYT 46).

July 28th. For the seventh day in a row, Israel bombed west Beirut, targets including civilian areas. NYT reports that electricity and water had been cut off to west Beirut for the prior three days (NYT 47). The Reagan Administration, while not openly criticizing Israel, expressed 'regret' over the civilian casualties of the prior days, and pushed for a renewed ceasefire to facilitate Habib’s negotiations. In addition, the Administration said the suspension of cluster bomb shipments was "long-term, if not permanent", in response to COngressional criticism that they hadn’t taken a tougher stance (NYT 48). Meanwhile, the colonel who opposed advancing on Beirut, Col. Eli Geva, was discharged from the military (as opposed to staying in the military, as he hoped). 'Prime Minister Menachem Begin, who spent 45 minutes with the colonel before he asked to be relieved of his command, recalled today that the officer had told him: "I am a brigade commander. I look through my binoculars and I see children." Mr. Begin said he asked the colonel, "Did you get an order to kill those children?" The officer said there had been no such order and Mr. Begin asked, "So what are you complaining about?"' (NYT 49)

July 29th. The UN reported that the PLO had seized a UNRWA supply warehouse, and was not distributing its material to cvilians. A UN mission reported 110k people in west Beirut were in need of some aid, food, shelter, medical aid, water, and sanitation (NYT 50). Meanwhile, Israel reported "terrorist" infiltration in Israel, and mortar fire in west Beirut, violated the ceasefire (NYT 51). The UN Security Council passed a resolution, 14-0 (The US abstained, representative Kirkpatrick saying the proceedings were too hasty and one-sided, blaming Israel, and not the PLO, for the blockade), calling for Israel to let food into Beirut (NYT 52).

July 30th. Israel launched a heavy bombardment on west Beirut. Water and food increasingly scarce; the cutoff of electricity and water reduced the population to drinking increasingly brackish water, creating potentially epidemic conditions for typhoid and paratyphoid (NYT 53). Israel blamed the PLO, and said its cutoff of electricity, food, and water were part of efforts to 'persuade the PLO to leave the city', although Arafat had already said he was willing to leave (the hangup was finding an Arab nation willing to take them) (NYT 54).

August 1st. Israel advanced on southern west Beirut, accompanied by heavy bombardment (NYT 55) Habib was embarassed by his inability to get Israel to hold to a ceasefire, and the Lebanese government was frustrated with Reagan’s inability to control Israel - even on the issue of getting water to west Beirut (NYT 56).

August 2nd. A list of ceasefires (NYT 57). Amidst the advance into southern west Beirut, Israel strengthened its armor at checkpoints into west Beirut (NYT 58). On August 1st (Sunday), a fire station was bombarded and destroyed by Israel, worstening the situation, as water had been cut off on July 31st (Saturday) (NYT 59). Reagan told Israel’s Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir a cease fire was essential to Habib’s negotiations, and to provide food and medicine to west Beirut. While taking pictures, he appeared impatient and angry with Israeli officials, although they said the meeting was friendly (NYT 60).

August 3rd. Since Reagan met with Shamir for only 20 minutes, Israel media called it a 'slap at Israel', while the government denied there were differences in US and Israeli policy. '"President Reagan's anger is justified and understandable," the mass-circulation Yediot Aharonot said. "But with all due respect we must ask him: Why are you angry only with us, Mr. President?"' (NYT 61) The UN noted that although water supplies had been restored, water wasn’t actually reaching many in west Beirut, as the electricity needed to pump the water was still cut off; all of this threatened an epidemic situation (NYT 64.

August 4th. Israel tightened its blockade and bombed west Beirut, claiming the PLO violated the ceasefire. The rhetoric used to justify this indicated concern at placating the US (NYT 61). Media was not allowed to follow the advance, allegedly due to the possibility of snipers (NYT 62). There were hundreds of civilian casualties as a result (Lebanon estimated 300 dead (NYT 68)), and it brought Habib’s negotiations to a halt (even just physically, Arafat could not move to meet with negotiators), which had been making progress, as the PLO started making concessions. The Israeli advance appeared to aim for isolating three Palestinian refugee camps: Burj al Brajneh, Sabra, and Shatila. Among the bombardment, the Lebanese Prime Minister’s office was hit, and the United Press International building was directly hit by an Israeli phosphorous shell, as well as hotels where 'most of the Western press corps is based'. The blockade of food, fuel, and electricity continued. (NYT 67). UN General Secretary Javier Perez de Cuellar blamed Israel, delaying the deployment of UN officers to maintain a ceasefire (NYT 63). The UN Security Council passed a resolution, 14-0, demanding Israel pull troops back from its incursions into west Beirut, or face sanctions. Notably, the US abstained - rather than veto the resolution (NYT 64). Begin told American Jews visiting Jerusalem that "nobody should preach to us" (referring to the US), and that it was the PLO that initiated ceasefire violations. 'Mr. Begin urged them to tell their friends about the "bias" of the news media covering the war and how some of them were "misleading the people."'. He also called the Israeli army the 'most humane army in the world'. '"Nobody, nobody," he nearly shouted, "is going to bring Israel to its knees. The Jews do not kneel but to God"'. '[One Israeli official] described what he called "the P.L.O. game": "If they can draw us into shooting and hitting civilian targets in the city, they create world opinion against us and it is a political victory. When there is shooting, negotiations tend to stop and they think time is working in their favor. We have to show them that the game is very costly." The official also responded to widespread criticism of Israel for the killing of civilians in the attacks on Beirut. "We want the civilian population out of the city," he said. "The P.L.O. is using it to play hide-and-seek. They hide behind the civilian screen."' He declined to say if Israel would permit a UN observer team in west Beirut. (NYT 65)

Reagan himself openly appealed to Begin to observe the ceasefire, viewing their advances as undermining Habib’s negotiations; 'A high-ranking official said, "We had something close to a settlement yesterday with the P.L.O. and for some unexplained reason the Isrealis let go last night just about the same time."'. Reagan himself pointed out Israel advanced beyond the ceasefire line and bombarded west Beirut the day after he told Israeli foreign minister Shamir of the importance of ceasefire for avoiding civilian casualties and a PLO withdrawl. While not stated in that address, Administration officials, in meetings lead by Vice President Bush, had also discussed sanctions on Israel in retaliation; in response to questions about sanctions, deuty White house press secretary said "Whatever measures we consider will be measures to advance the peace process", but that the White house wouldn’t discuss the sanctions issue in public as such [discussing in public] would "serve no useful purpose". Some State Department official said sanctions had been used before, but to little effect. They also called for the PLO to not delay its Lebanon withdrawl (NYT 66).

August 5th. An explosion near the Alexandre hotel full of international press - in east Beirut - wounded several journalists, believed to be a Palestinian reprisal for Israel bombing the Commodore hotel in west Beirut (which Israeli major said was an "accident"), along with cutoff of communications infrastructure, for the cutoff of water and electricity to west Beirut by Israelis, 'who operate from Christian east Beirut'. Leftist radio in west Beirut said there were Israeli military officers in the Alexandre hotel, making it a military target; but these were mostly escort officers for reporters. (NYT 68). The Israeli Cabinet said it would not allow UN observers, as it would allegedly encourage the PLO (NYT 69).

August 6th. The US vetos a UN Security Resolution to halt all arms and military aid to Israel, until it leaves Lebanon. Britain, Zaire, and Togo abstained. The Soviet Union (who proposed the resolution), France, Japan, Spain, China, Ireland, Panama, uganda, Poland, Jordan, and Guyana supported it. However, 'almost all Council members expressed anger or dismay over Israeli behavior'. The resolution was made by the Soviets, to fulfill warnings that if Israel flouted prior Security Council resolutions (which it did), they would 'consider "effective ways and means" to compel compliance'. Israel was alarmed by France’s support of the resolution (NYT 70).

August 7th. 'United States officials said today that the Reagan Administration had undertaken a "comprehensive assessment" of United States relations in the Middle East and found "very profound differences" with Israel that could affect military and economic ties.' Given the scale of Israel’s recent attacks, Reagan was "extremely angry", as well as "profound differences" over Israeli settlement and elected Palestinian mayor dismissals in the West Bank and Gaza. Heated over suggestions the US might impose sanctions, Israeli ambassador to the US Moshe Arens said "Sanctions are applied to an enemy country. We're not an enemy of the United States. On the other hand, I assure you, it's not going to sway Israel from a course necessary for assuring its security." (NYT 71). In Munich, West Germany, 'A thousand West Germans and Arabs demonstrated here today against Israeli attacks on west Beirut. The marchers chanted "Stop the genocide in Lebanon, stop the attack on west Beirut" and brought traffic to a standstill in parts of the city center.' (NYT 72)

August 9th. Gunmen with submachine guns and grenades attacked a Kosher restaurant in Paris, killing 6. 'A spokesman for the Israeli Embassy here said, "These murderous attacks are encouraged by a certain climate of hostile propaganda that is very often clearly anti-Semitic."' The PLO condemned the attack. (NYT 73). The US presented a plan for a PLO pullout, which Arafat supported (although Israeli media stated he had not yet signed), which would be a compromise for Israel. 'Israel's military intelligence chief, Maj. Gen. Yehoshua Sagay, said today that the plan was Mr. Arafat's and was a "device to keep most of the terrorists in Beirut."' (NYT 74). The State Department reported that Israeli warplanes, boats, and soldiers had harrassed US military personnel over the weekend (August 7th-8th); for example, Israeli jet planes had buzzed US helicopters. The US was very upset over this, and the Israeli government apologized and said it was a misunderstanding (NYT 75).

August 10th. Begin argued that Mitterand’s comments in July, comparing Israeli raids in Beirut to a Nazzi massacre of French civilians, caused the Paris bombing. 'Mr. Begin, in his statement today, lashed out at French news organizations, charging them with "anti-Israeli incitement, which is tantamount to anti-Jewish incitement."' 'The Jerusalem Post said it was a matter of opinion how much the strong attacks on Israel by French officials in the French press had contributed to Monday's killings. "But surely those who stooped to portraying the war as a holocaust deliberately engineered by Israel against innocent Palestinians and Lebanese cannot escape a share of the blame," the editorial said.' (NYT 76). Despite Israel expressing approval for the PLO pullout deal, and the PLO beginning to organize its pullout, Israel continued to bombard west Beirut. Foregin Minister Yitzhak Shamir said that 'military pressure on the P.L.O. was necessary because "otherwise the terrorists may go back on their willingness to leave the city."' Reportedly 46 civilians were killed, according to Lebanon. Israeli forces also reportedly attempted to push beyond the Green Line (held off by PLO fire (NYT 80)), into West Beirut (NYT 77).

August 11th. Amidst continued bombardments, Red Cross officials stated the desperate need to get aid into west Beirut. 'Food and fuel shortages are said to be getting worse even in the hospitals, and only the Red Cross has succeeded in getting limited quantities of food supplies into west Beirut this month.' '"The Israeli defense force said trucks are forbidden in west Beirut by military order," Mr. Rodgers [of the World Vision International, which attempted to send 300 tons of food] said the other day. "When we asked why, they said the Christian organizations might try to smuggle hand grenades to the Palestinians in cans of food."' Israel had turned on water again the prior week, but continued cut electricity meant clean water access was still a problem; several children had died of dehydration. There were no signs reported of dangerous epidemic, although there were 'serious cases of dysentery, eye diseases, scabies, and gastroenteritis'. Rats, cockroaches, and flies were everywhere. 8 Red Cross trucks, with US govt supplies, were allowed in to suply the American University Hospital on July 29th; the Lebanese Red Cross was able to send two trucks with oxygen on August 11th. The Red Cross planned to set up an emergency hospital inside at the Bristol Hotel, but shelling there recently put this into question. The Red Cross delegation itself had been shelled twice, by the navy on July 30th and by artillery on August 5th. The Red Cross ship Flora was hit by Palestinian rockets on July 27th (NYT 78). Dissent was reported in Begin’s Cabinet, between those favoring the PLO pullout deal, and hardliners around Sharon, who had launched several attacks on Beirut without consulting the Cabinet (NYT 79). While there was optimism about the PLO pullout plan in general, Israel continued heavy bombing of west Beirut (NYT 80). Among the casualties of bombing the prior week was Beirut’s only synagogue, 'sending dozens of Jewish families fleeing for safety, residents said today.'. Specifically, 60 Jewish and Muslim refugees had taken refuge there. 'Jewish residents say they have not been harassed by their Moslem neighbors or the Palestinians since the Israelis invaded Lebanon on June 6.' (NYT 81)

August 12th. The UN Security council unanimously (ie, including the US) passed a resolution bidding Israel admit ceasefire monitors (NYT 82); resolution printed here (NYT 85). Israel launched a heavy bombardment on west Beirut, outraging Reagan. He phoned Begin to tell him to stop, as the bombing was disrupting Habib’s negotiations "when they were at the point of success." (NYT 83). The bombings began around 1PM, Lebanon time. At 2PM, an outraged message from Reagan arrives to the Israeli Cabinet to end the raids; the Cabinet decides to end them. At 4PM, Reagan tries for an hour to phone Begin, but can’t get through. At 4:50PM, King Fahd of Saudi Arabia calls Reagan. At 5PM, a new ceasefire goes into effect in west Beirut. By 5:10PM, Reagan reaches Begin for a 10-minute call. By 5:40PM, Begin calls Reagan to tell him a "complete cease-fire" was ordered. Reagan Administration officials were stunned by the scale of the air attacks, but that they threatened to unravel Habib’s peace proposals. The talks simply couldn’t continue physically under bombardment. The statements were described by the NYT as 'unusually blunt'. Reportedly no direct threats had been made over the telephone, although he did threaten to pull Habib out of negotiations. Afterwards, he sent an angry message to Begin through the US ambassador in Israel. (NYT 84).

The first relief ship into Lebanon since July 27th reached Tripoli (in north Lebanon), a Red Cross ship with 900 tons of food (NYT 86).

August 13th. 'Defense Minister Ariel Sharon said today [in Israeli Parliament] that he would accept a Cabinet decision restricting his military actions, but he defended Thursday's 11-hour air bombardment of west Beirut as being in line with Government policy.' Labor Parliamentarian Bar Lev observed that, while "You said the army was reacting to breaches", yet "when we stopped, they stopped", as there had been no fighting today; Sharon said they had been intimidated by the August 12th bombardment into ceasing fire. 'Mordechai Gur, another former Chief of Staff, challenged Mr. Sharon's assertion that the Cabinet action would undermine military actions that protected the lives of Israeli soldiers. The Defense Minister replied, according to the broadcasts, that "it hurts you that all your forecasts were wrong." There was no elaboration.' Sharon argued the bombings of Beirut had sped up negotiations, but officials privately doubted if the siege had been effective. A ranking official denied that the Cabinet’s ceasefire was in response to Reagan’s outrage. (NYT 87)

The Palestinian camps (although not tents by this point, but semi-permanent buildings) were reported devastated after the siege. In the recent August 12th bombing, at least 150 were estimated dead, although the Lebanese police was not able to operate entirely effectively, so an accurate count was unclear. What was clear is that cluster munitions had been used, and the overwhelming death toll was civilian. At checkpoints controlled by Phalangists (but with Israelis standing nearby), food and water continued to be thrown out as people tried to enter west Beirut (NYT 88).

August 14th. Sharon rejects calls for resignation over the August 12th bombardment. By this point, Sharon had been 'deprived of the right to order air strikes at targets in west Beirut without Mr. Begin's authorization. Defending his actions, Mr. Sharon said, "The air force acted in order to insure the safety of our soldiers in the front lines." He added that the reports from west Beirut of heavy civilian casualties in the air raids were lies. Mr. Begin, backed by an overwhelming majority of his ministers, ordered a halt to the strikes after receiving an angry telephone call from President Reagan.' (NYT 89)

August 15th. 'The Israeli Government said today that it would provide comprehensive medical treatment for all civilians injured in the Israeli siege of west Beirut.' 'Dr. Modan said he could not estimate how many civilians had been injured in west Beirut, which has been subjected in recent weeks to heavy attacks by Israeli bombers, tanks and artillery. But he acknowledged that the timing of the Government's pledge today was directly related to the international outcry against the killing of civilians by the Israeli forces trying to flush Palestine Liberation Organization guerrillas out of west Beirut.' 'Dr. Modan's pledge for treatment of civilians in Beirut was the most direct response the Government here has made to international protests over the killing of civilians. In recent weeks Mr. Begin and other officials have insisted that the Israeli forces tried scrupulously to avoid injuring civilians in attacks on west Beirut.' (NYT 90). Palestinian militia forces, in this case the PFLP (an ally of the PLO), reported no casualties during the August 12th bombing. NYT reports that while Israel claimed it could easily incur into west Beirut, in reality, Palestinian resistance pushed them back (NYT 91).

August 17th. Two moderate Palestinian politicians, formerly mayors in West Bank and Gaza until dismissed by Israel, were invited by "Meet the Press" in the US for a television appearance. Israel denied their travel however, so they couldn’t appear. Mayor Freij (of Bethlehem) said "they don’t want a moderate voice to speak with reason". 'Mayor Freij said he wanted to appear on the program to tell Americans that there were many Palestinians who favored "peaceful coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians."' Both feared that the Israeli victory in Lebanon would lead to more repression. At the same time, despite Arafat’s defeat, Freij said he had held out longer than any other Arab nation, so his prestige in the West Bank wouldn’t decline. Yet the defeat meant the end of securing Palestine by military means. (NYT 92).

August 21st. The first steps in the US-negotiated PLO withdrawl plan began, with the return of two Israeli POWs, and the arrival of the French Foreign legion, the first contingent of a multinational peacekeeping force to supervise the pullout. Israel’s blockade begins to loosen. Yet electricity was still out in west Beirut. Regarding the pilot, one of the two POWs: 'The pilot wore a clean blue sport shirt, tan slacks and sandals. The other Israeli wore his fatigues and looked somewhat abashed. "I was treated well and I don't want to make any political statement," the pilot said, adding later, "A war is always a tragic situation."' (NYT 93)

August 22nd. The PLO began its pullout, and the Israeli siege was lifted (NYT 94).

Click to fold back